MUSLIM HOLOCAUST CARRIED OUT BY HINDU INDIAN GOVERNMENT THE VISIBLE IN HINDU TERRORISM

Even as BJP considers the Supreme Court’s order to let a trial court examine the alleged involvement of Narendra Modi in the post-Godhra riots as a relief for the CM, there are about a dozen major cases pending in courts related to the Gujarat riots.

 

 

 

 Warning that there has been no let up in attempts to radicalise the youth, home minister P Chidambaram on Wednesday said a new phenomenon of “saffron terrorism” involved in many bomb blasts has been uncovered.

Inaugurating a conference of chiefs of police forces of the country, Chidambaram also expressed concern over the situation in Kashmir Valley and hoped that in the next few days, a “starting point” would be found to reach out to the protestors and restart the process of a dialogue.

“There is no let up in the attempts to radicalise young men and women in India. Besides, there is recently uncovered phenomenon of saffron terrorism that has been implicated in many bomb blasts of the past,” he said

‘Saffron terrorism’

As Gujarat chief ministerNarendra Modi begins his three-day fast on Saturday for “peace, unity and harmony” in his state, an unpublished letter addressed to him almost nine years ago by then Prime MinisterAtal Bihari Vajpayee may come back to haunt him.The letter dated June 1, 2002, reveals Vajpayee’s concern for the fragile communal situation in the state and reflects his doubts over whether the interests of the riot-hit were being properly looked after. The letter was sent three months after the Godhra incident and the post-Godhra riots. It came two months after Vajpayee’s advice to Modi that as CM, he must adhere to “Raj dharma” and not discriminate on the basis of caste, creed or religion. 

The letter, obtained through an RTI application, shows that a PM who seldom relied on detailed correspondence with CMs had thought it necessary to interfere in the affairs of Gujarat. Its tenor makes it clear that Vajpayee was concerned if enough was being done for relief and if a sense of assurance and security was being really conveyed to those who had fled and taken shelter in makeshift camps.

In the letter, Vajpayee brought to the notice of Modi that there had been “gross under-assessment of damages” to the victims’ homes. “It is possible that, for various reasons, the teams involved in work have assessed the damages on the lower side. In the interest of justice and fair play, it will be expedient to conduct test checks in selected areas. If the test checks do confirm under-assessment, the state government will reassess the damages in areas with large-scale complaints,” he wrote. He even went to the extent of assuring Modi that there would be a greater flow of funds from the Centre to help meet additional expenses.

Vajpayee further said, “I have also been informed that in a large number of cases, the relatives of the dead are yet to be paid the ex gratia because bodies are yet to be identified and, also, applications regarding missing persons are yet to be disposed of. The inordinate delay in the disbursement of ex gratia payments is a matter of concern.” The then PM argued that taking DNA samples and thereby establishing identities would be a time-consuming process, “leading to further unacceptable delay”.

He also wrote to Modi on the widespread feeling of insecurity. He said, “It is natural that the residents of the worst-affected areas may be reluctant to return to their original places of residence and demand relocation in safer areas. Ideally, an atmosphere should be created whereby these people gain enough confidence to resettle at the original place of residence.” He even told the chief minister that in case relocation could not be avoided, “particularly in worst-hit areas like Naroda Patiya in Ahmedabad and Lunawada in Panchamahal, active government support during their relocation will only protect them from unscrupulous elements”. He added, “Needless to say that undue influence by such elements will only exacerbate the already complicated situation.”

It is more than clear that the letter was penned by a PM who was dissatisfied with the state government’s steps and had carefully studied the shortcomings. Vajpayee wanted to see improvements on the ground and, therefore, did what was very unlike him, interfered in the functioning of a state by offering direct advice on how to manage relief and rehabilitation. TheGujarat riots had bothered Vajpayee immensely and this letter is a proof of the anxiety he experienced for a major part of 2002.

Will Rahul Gandhi be Prime Minister in 2014? Unlikely, for three reasons.

First, he may not want to be. (Rahul at every public opportunity – the last being his zero-hour intervention in parliament on August 26 – has displayed both lack of appetite and talent for the top job.) Second, the Congress may well lose the next general election so Rahul may have to settle for being leader of the Opposition till 2019. And third, India is beginning to move beyond dynastic politics.

But is dynasty all that bad? It surely can’t be if we’ve voted members of the same family into the prime ministership for 38 years (Jawaharlal 17 years, Indira 16, Rajiv 5) and elected to office the same party (the Congress) for 52 out of our 64 post-independence years?

Feudalism still runs deep in Indian society. But all good (and bad) things come to an end – eventually. Rahul is sharp enough to know this – even though the glib sycophants in the Congress who treat dynasty as a political livelihood don’t. India – especially young India – rightly regards dynastic politics with growing disfavour.

But we are voted in to power, protest young dynasts from various parties who, following in the Congress’s large footsteps, have flourished all across India: the Karunanidhis, the Pawars, the Hoodas, the Abdullahs, the Reddys, the Yadavs. If being elected gives politicians absolute legitimacy, Narendra Modi – elected thrice over by voters in Gujarat and virtually certain to be elected a fourth time in 2012 – should be the most legitimate and credible politician in India.

In an evolving democracy, voters can be shortchanged in several ways by politicians with malintent.

1. The Poverty Card: The country ranks 119th on the Human Development Index (HDI) 2011. India’s GDP would have been double today’s $1.5 trillion (Rs. 70 lakh crore) had Indira Gandhi not asphyxiated the economy with the Licence Raj through the 1960s and 1970s. Poverty deepened as a result.

Impoverished voters in India, however, can no longer be taken for granted. In the face of brazen corruption, as Karunanidhi’s DMK learned the hard way in Tamil Nadu, votes cannot be bought. What was true of Tamil Nadu in May 2011 could well be true of India in May 2014.

2. The Caste Card: This has been played by regional parties to good electoral effect. The caste factor has been mercilessly exploited by Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh but it is abused in several other states as well.

3. The Communal Card: Out of the 28.55% national voteshare the Congress won in the May 2009 Lok Sabha election, over 11% came from the lock it has on the 13.50% Muslim vote. Without the Muslim vote, the Congress would be in permanent Opposition. Only around 17% of the 83% Hindu vote now goes to it – most from the bottom of the socio-economic pyramid (hence Sonia Gandhi’s emphasis on MNREGA and other social sector schemes which help tighten its grip on this narrowing slice of the downtrodden electorate).

Can the Congress buy itself out of its electoral trap? Examine its finances: the party’s audited balance sheet for 2008-09 shows it collected Rs. 496.88 crore, most of it from the sale of “coupons” to benevolent (and mostly anonymous) donors. The BJP’s audited income for 2008-09 was Rs. 220.02 crore. (Astonishingly, the audited balance sheets for 2009-10 of these parties are not yet available for public scrutiny.) Election Commission officials say privately that the real income of parties like the Congress and the BJP is at least 10 times their declared income. Most large parties are funded by corporate donors, creating a quid pro quo nexus. The result: kickbacks from myriad scams find their way into parties’ treasuries as undeclared income. It is this black money that funds most MPs’ election campaigns, including those with criminal records.

This represents a classical feudocracy: rich politicians, poor voters. In an evolved democracy, it is the other way around.

For dynastic parties like the Congress, it’s now a race against time. A worried Rahul, for example, knows that every percentage point increase in Indian literacy levels could shave half-a-percentage point off the Congress’s national voteshare of 28%. The more educated the voter, the more empowered she is. In no democracy globally, where education and literacy levels are high, is dynasty in power. Development is the enemy of dynasty. As India develops economically and socially, dynastic politics will inevitably wither. Then questions like Rahul vs. Modi for PM in 2014 will sound faintly embarrassing.

How long will this process of de-dynastisation – to use a neologism – take? Ten years? Five? Somewhere in between would be good bet. By 2020, dynasts like the Bhuttos in Pakistan may still be around. But India would have outgrown them.

‘Saffron terrorism’

Is there no limit to the hypocrisy and double standards of India’s political parties?

The Bharatiya Janata Party and its ideological ally Shiv Sena brought down the house on Friday over Home Minister Chidambaram’s innocuous remarks cautioning the nation against the phenomenon of “saffron terrorism.” (Saffron is a color associated with Hinduism).

Interestingly, in his speech, made at a conference of top police and intelligence officials this week, the minister had also talked of “jehadi terrorists.” The Hindutva parties, of course, had no issues with that. True to their rabble-rousing style, the BJP and Sena not just managed to ground Parliament proceedings, they put the government on the mat by demanding the minister’s head and an apology for insulting all Hindus.readmore http://muslimmalaysia786.wordpress.com/2011/09/17/muslim-holocaust-carried-out-by-hindu-indian-government-the-visible-in-hindu-terrorism/