Monday, March 7, 2011

Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali has Guided the Rural Malays Into the Jaws of Umno Sharks What a game! But remember our mistakes


Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali has Guided the Rural Malays Into the Jaws of Umno Sharks What a game! But remember our mistakes



A reveller from the Vila Isabel samba school participates in the annual Carnival parade in Rio de Janeiro’s Sambadrome March 6, 2011. — Reuters pic



RELATED ARTICLE IN MALAYSIA RHETORIC VS. REALITY THE ARREST OF UTHAYAKUMAR THE SILENT REVOLT OF THE POWERLESS IS SPREADING LIKE WILDFIRE


Drop womb-to-tomb racism against Indians and we'll disband :Hindraf
The Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) today pledged to stand down for good if the prime minister fully addresses the group’s claims of Indian marginalisation.
Hindraf legal advisor and the Human Rights Party secretary-general, P. Uthayakumar, told reporters they only want for their 18 demands concerning the Indian community — submitted to the government in a 2007 memorandum — to be met.
“Umno wants to ban Hindraf but Umno must accept that as long as the genuine grievances of the Indians on the ground are not solved, Hindraf will continue to get support,” he said.
He claimed nearly a fifth of Indians were denied birth certificates, identity cards and citizenship.
Yesterday, hundreds of protesters gathered in separate locations in Kuala Lumpur in an attempt to voice out Indian outrage against the controversial Interlok novel and to condemn “Umno racism”.
The protesters’ attempts were, however, thwarted due to heavy police presence at several checkpoints across the city.
Police action had also rounded up 109 protesters, including key leaders of the now-banned movement.
Uthayakumar had been arrested early yesterday morning as he was leaving his house on the suspicion of violating Section 45(1) Societies Act 1996, linking him to Hindraf Makkal Sakthi and Section 27 (5) Police Act.
Later, he had lodged a police report against the prime minister, the Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General for “abuse of powers in committing unconstitutional and unlawful acts of institutional and state-sponsored racism against the minority Indian poor on a day-to-day basis and from womb to tomb.” SINKING AFTER A

 WASTED

 TSUNAMI  

 Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali,Has Guided the Rural Malays into the Jaws of UMNO Sharks  

So says Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali, who thinks there is no longer any danger of Pakatan Rakyat capturing Putrajaya.RELATED ARTICLE 

And the Academy Award for Cowardice Goes to Mahatir..Najib, UMNO-BARISAN &CO


Defeat is the distance between a bedtime story and a wake-up call. The former starts with ‘Once upon a time...’ and lulls the voter to sleep. The second is an energiser that addresses a fresh dawn.


Three political parties have become victims of their own success: their narrative has run its course, and they have not been able to find a further chapter to their saga.
Barisan Nasional may be crowing after their twin success at the Kerdau and Merlimau by-elections, but pride comes before a fall and if its leaders continue to deceive themselves that they have put in place real reforms, they might suffer an opposite outcome in the coming general elections.
“The PM has presented a convincing story and though a lot is not done, the people are giving him the benefit of the doubt,” Ramon Navaratnam, past president of Transparency International, told Malaysia Chronicle.
Throughout the by-elections, BN had presented a combination of ultra-Malay rights together with Najib's almost de-funct 1Malaysia multiracial plan to target both Malay and non-Malay voters.
While the BN made solid gains with the Malay community, managing to convince fence-sitters over to their side, the support was also greased by 'instant-noodles' election goodies.
“BN’s offer of RM13,000 to each of the Felda settlers had a hand in garnering the votes of those who previously sat on the fence,” PAS vice president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man told Malaysia Chronicle.
Chinese still behind Pakatan
He declined to gauge the swing in Chinese and Indian votes as neither group dominated at any the polling centres, making it difficult to measure the actual shift in non-Malay sentiment.
But through the support from the Chinese during the Pakatan's nightly political lectures and the exit polls their support staff conducted, Tuan Ibrahim said the Chinese were still firmly behind PAS.
Another factor was the emergence of new voters into the arena, helping lift the voter turnout at Kerdau, Pahang to above the 80 per cent forecast by the Election Commission.
Ramon said the solid wins did not spell the end of Pakatan but were a wake-up call to the coalition to get onto the ground more quickly.
“PKR cannot afford anymore squabbling and should stop politicking to offer strong opposition for the people,” he said.
Not a true test
Ramon also urged the four million-odd unregistered voters in the country to show a greater sense of responsibility. He said they should stop grumbling and not lose hope in the opposition if they wanted to see reforms take place in Malaysia.
However, to political analyst Aziz Bari, the by-elections did not signify much. He said the BN had been expected to win and with bigger margins too. He pointed out that both Kerdau and Merlimau had never been wrested by the opposition before.
A better test of the true strength of the two coalitions - BN and Pakatan - would be seen in other constituencies. But this, the BN may not allow, he added.
“They are doubtful about holding elections in the Pelabuhan Klang and Bukit Seputeh constituents,” Aziz said.


The BJP story is the simplest: the fairies have abandoned its fairy tale. It began as the party of refugees from Pakistan. The robust economic and social resettlement of the dispossessed, evident by the 70s, paradoxically, liberated them from the party which helped them. After the high-drama blip of the Emergency and Janata Party phase, the BJP reinvented itself as a champion of a psychological rather than an economic need.

The temple movement brought great rewards, culminating, albeit through a parabola enhanced by the charisma of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in six years of power at the Centre. But within this time, the Indian mood turned. Economic aspirations took primacy over psychological needs, particularly since the temple movement was made irrelevant by the destruction of the mosque at Ayodhya. A functioning temple has come up on the site, a fact that seems to escape the attention of those writing the BJP manifesto, which keeps promising to build a temple.

Every political party has colluded in this change; even though self-proclaimed secular parties encourage Muslims to indulge in the self-delusion that a dispute exists. In truth, all that the BJP can offer is to build a bigger temple, which does not quite have the same emotive force as ‘Mandir yahin banayenge!’ The BJP’s cousins, the Senas of Maharashtra, have regional chauvinism to fall back upon. If the BJP wants to
reclaim national space, it will have to establish another horizon

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